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AUG/SEPT 2014 • www.cosatu.org.za

speci fi c capitalist growth path in our country involved the appropriation of existing patriarchal customs and traditions, and their articulation into the reproduction of the capitalist system. This articulation saw the vast exacerbation of the coercive features of pre-existing patriarchy. In particular, the brunt of the reproduction of a massive army of reserve cheap labour was borne by the unpaid (and hidden) labour and effort of millions of women. The reproductive functions often carried (at least to some extent) by society at large in other developed economies (by way of pensions, public education, health-care and housing, and municipal water and power infrastructure) has been borne, at huge personal cost, by millions of black women in our country (and in our region). It is they who have had to care for the young, the sick, the unemployed and the aged. It is they who have to spend their lives fetching water and fuel. The legacy of this continues to impact dramatically upon the life-opportunities, resources, and general marginalisation of the women of our country and region.” In this context we should proceed from an understanding that the root cause of all forms of oppression consists in the division of society into classes. For liberal feminists, on the other hand, the oppression of women is rooted in the nature of men. This is not an accurate analysis of the phenomenon of gender oppression for example the marginalisation and violation and murder of (or the hate crimes directed towards) gays and lesbians are part of the manifestation of gender oppression. Liberal feminism is an entirely static, ahistorical, unscienti fi c and undialectical conception of the human race from which pessimistic and fl awed conclusions

empowerment of women workers and the elimination of discrimination and stereotyping are central goals in building gender equality. The measure of gender equality is women’s full and equal participation at all levels of trade union organisation. I also want to re-af fi rm our policy that in order to consciously combat sexism and gender oppression in our organisational policies and strategies and in the broader society these must be infused with gender consciousness. A ‘gendered perspective’ aims to mainstream and integrate gender struggles, rather than seeing these struggles as a women’s issue that are treated in a separate and isolated way. A gendered perspective has the strategic objective of the fundamental transformation of society and unequal power relations. It also means a gender analysis is applied at all levels with regard to policies, programmes, planning strategy and evaluation. However, a gendered perspective still recognises the central role of women’s leadership. It is also important to emphasise the fact that the struggle to transform gender relations will bene fi t both men and women by creating an enabling environment for all to realise their full human potential. Gender equality will also bring visible bene fi ts to society by drawing in half of the population into productive activity. Gender equality however, cannot be realised without conscious strategies to redress unequal power relations between men and women in organisations and in the broader society. As emphasised above, the NDR aims to bring an end to this form of oppression. How should we conceptualise the notion of Power and clarifying our position on Gender struggles versus Feminism The SACP answered this “…the

men and women. Gender on the other hand refers to socially constructed and culturally de fi ned differences between men and women. It is therefore not natural but created through socialisation using institutions such as the family, the church, religion education and schools, the state and the economy. In addition gender relations refer to the unequal power relationship between men and women. It is a fact that women are often not well organised, because of their gender roles, and in order to become conscious gender activists, they need to overcome the paralysing effects of internalised oppression. Thus, each activist faces a challenge of promoting and developing a revolutionary theoretical approach, and challenging sexism within the struggle, while simultaneously engaging in a personal struggle to challenge gender power relations and internalised gender oppression in their own lives, in their own homes. It is for these reasons that we all have a responsibility to take gender issues wherever we are. If you see these unequal power relations paralysing you inside the trade union, you must not hesitate to rise instantly and challenge the stereotypes. Comrade Che Guevara said “you must not wait for an apple to fall, you must cause it to fall . You must not wait for the revolution to occur but you must cause it to occur”. Our Gender Policy moves from the premise that gender inequality will not disappear on its own accord. There is a need for conscious strategies to eliminate gender inequality within the organisation and broader society. This will take the form of speci fi c measures to promote women leadership and plans to address inequality in the workplace. The development and

Gender Agenda